When the Microchips Are Down

Silicon chips are in almost all electronics, and access to them can make or break a country’s economic future. Their production relies on complex supply chains, and during the pandemic, the world learned just how fragile these supply chains are. Many countries, including the United States and China, are investing billions of dollars to develop the capacity to produce chips domestically, and some analysts see chip-related conflict on the horizon.

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Host
  • Gabrielle Sierra
    Director, Podcasting
Credits

Asher Ross - Supervising Producer

Markus Zakaria - Audio Producer and Sound Designer

Rafaela Siewert - Associate Podcast Producer

Jeremy Sherlick - Senior Producer

Episode Guests
  • Don Clark
    Freelance Contributor, New York Times
  • Rebecca Heilweil
    Reporter, Vox
  • Ajit Manocha
    President and CEO, SEMI
  • David Sacks
    Fellow for Asia Studies

Show Notes

Chips, also known as microchips or semiconductors, are core components in nearly all electronics, from smartphones and laptops to fighter jets, refrigerators, and cars. Their importance has been highlighted over the past year as pandemic-related shortages fueled product delays, factory shutdowns, and trade disputes. At the center of it all is one company, Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company (TSMC), which manufactures more than 80 percent of the world’s most advanced chips. TSMC has emerged as a flash point in U.S.-China tensions, and could even play a role in sparking a conflict between the countries if Beijing attempts to reunify Taiwan with the mainland. 

 

In this episode, four expert guests break down the importance of chips to the global economy, innovation, and security, and assess the outlook for cooperation and conflict as countries attempt to secure their supplies. 
 

 

Dig Deeper

 

CFR Resources

 

The Time Is Now for a Trade Deal With Taiwan,” David Sacks and Jennifer Hillman

 

Why China-Taiwan Relations Are So Tense,” Lindsay Maizland

 

China’s Quest for Self-Reliance in the Fourteenth Five-Year Plan,” Lauren Dudley

 

Innovation and National Security: Keeping Our Edge,” Adam Segal and Anya Schmemann

 

Supply Chains and Demand,” Richard N. Haass

 

Is Industrial Policy Making a Comeback?” Anshu Siripurapu

 

 

From Don Clark

 

Despite Chip Shortage, Chip Innovation Is Booming,” New York Times

 

‘It’s a Roller-Coaster Ride’: Global Chip Shortage Is Making Industries Sweat,” New York Times

 

Read More

 

Semiconductors and the U.S.-China Innovation Race,” FP Analytics

 

How the global chip shortage might affect people who just want to wash their dogs,” Washington Post

 

Would China Invade Taiwan for TSMC?Diplomat 

 

Senate approves billions for US semiconductor manufacturing,” Verge


IBM’s first 2nm chip previews the processors of tomorrow,” Verge

 

Watch or Listen

 

How to Make the US Semiconductor Industry Boom Again (Podcast),” Bloomberg


 
 

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China Strategy Initiative

At the Shangri-La dialogue in Singapore last week, U.S. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth said that the United States would be expanding its defense partnership with India. His statement was in line with U.S. policy over the last two decades, which, irrespective of the party in power, has sought to cultivate India as a serious defense partner. The U.S.-India defense partnership has come a long way. Beginning in 2001, the United States and India moved from little defense cooperation or coordination to significant gestures that would lay the foundation of the robust defense partnership that exists today—such as India offering access to its facilities after 9/11 to help the United States launch operations in Afghanistan or the 123 Agreement in 2005 that paved the way for civil nuclear cooperation between the two countries. In the United States, there is bipartisan agreement that a strong defense partnership with India is vital for its Indo-Pacific strategy and containing China. In India, too, there is broad political support for its strategic partnership with the United States given its immense wariness about its fractious border relationship with China. Consequently, the U.S.-India bilateral relationship has heavily emphasized security, with even trade tilting toward defense goods. Despite the massive changes to the relationship in the last few years, and both countries’ desire to develop ever-closer defense ties, differences between the United States and India remain. A significant part of this has to do with the differing norms that underpin the defense interests of each country. The following Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) memos by defense experts in three countries are part of a larger CFR project assessing India’s approach to the international order in different areas, and illustrate India’s positions on important defense issues—military operationalization, cooperation in space, and export controls—and how they differ with respect to the United States and its allies. Sameer Lalwani (Washington, DC) argues that the two countries differ in their thinking about deterrence, and that this is evident in three categories crucial to defense: capability, geography, and interoperability. When it comes to increasing material capabilities, for example, India prioritizes domestic economic development, including developing indigenous capabilities (i.e., its domestic defense-industrial sector). With regard to geography, for example, the United States and its Western allies think of crises, such as Ukraine, in terms of global domino effects; India, in contrast, thinks regionally, and confines itself to the effects on its neighborhood and borders (and, as the recent crisis with Pakistan shows, India continues to face threats on its border, widening the geographic divergence with the United States). And India’s commitment to strategic autonomy means the two countries remain far apart on the kind of interoperability required by modern military operations. Yet there is also reason for optimism about the relationship as those differences are largely surmountable. Dimitrios Stroikos (London) argues that India’s space policy has shifted from prioritizing socioeconomic development to pursuing both national security and prestige. While it is party to all five UN space treaties that govern outer space and converges with the United States on many issues in the civil, commercial, and military domains of space, India is careful with regard to some norms. It favors, for example, bilateral initiatives over multilateral, and the inclusion of Global South countries in institutions that it believes to be dominated by the West. Konark Bhandari (New Delhi) argues that India’s stance on export controls is evolving. It has signed three of the four major international export control regimes, but it has to consistently contend with the cost of complying, particularly as the United States is increasingly and unilaterally imposing export control measures both inside and outside of those regimes. When it comes to export controls, India prefers trade agreements with select nations, prizes its strategic autonomy (which includes relations with Russia and China through institutions such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the BRICS), and prioritizes its domestic development. Furthermore, given President Donald Trump’s focus on bilateral trade, the two countries’ differences will need to be worked out if future tech cooperation is to be realized.